U. S.-CHINA POLICY: WATERGATE TO TIENANMEN SQUARE (1974-1989)

As the Cold war came to an end, the future of the Sino-American relationship and the direction of American policy remained tangled as the coupled States attempted to adjust to the challenges and opportunities presented by China's takings as a great power.

According to Liu (1997), Nixon intimated to Mao and moolah during his February 1972 visit that he intended to normalize relations with the chinaware during his second term. American relations with the PRC neither modify nor deteriorated during the Ford Administration (p. 321). Part of the reason for this static stead related to different foreign policy preoccupations of the Americans and the political helplessness of the Ford administration. It was faced with a resurgent Congress aflutter to strengthen its prerogatives in the foreign policy area and hitherto more importantly with the political instability associated with the succession trial in China after the death of first bread and then Mao.

Ford kept Kissinger on as depository of State. The United States was preoccupied during Ford's rump term as chairwoman with the deteriorating situation in Indochina which finally led to the fall of some(prenominal) Cambodia and South Vietnam to communist forces in 1975 and its aim to wage moreover detente with the Soviet Union. It achieved arms control and other agreements with the Soviets during the fall of 1974 and the capital of Finland Accords of 1975. According to Garson (1994), "the C

A dissipate developed in the Carter administration among Vance, who raiseed continued efforts to pursue detente with the Soviet Union and who was opposed to any 'tilt' in favor of the PRC, and National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski and Defense Secretary Harold Brown. They were progressively concerned with aggressive Soviet and Cuban moves in Angola and Ethiopia and in the Middle East, and sought to counterbalance Soviet expansionism by acting the 'China card.'

During the early part of 1987, Deng had supported an 'Anti-Bourgeois Campaign'. The leading domestic tyro of the regime, astrophysicist Fang Li-chih (Fang), was transferred from his professorship at the Chinese University of Science and Technology to a lesser and more obscure post.

Then during the summer Deng clamped dash off on conservatives restive over his economic reforms and caused "the voluntary retirement of the Long March generation of elders" (Hsu, 1990, p. 893).

However, in enacting the Taiwan dealing round of March 1979, Congress, reflecting conservative sentiment, placed its own meter reading on the nature of the future relationship between the United States and Taiwan. That law expressed Congress' view that "any effort to resolve the Taiwan issue by other than peaceful agent [would be] a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area of grave concern to the United States" (Hsu, 1990, p. 792). The Act in like manner contained a clause providing that the United States would provide Taiwan "such(prenominal) defense articles and defense services as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a adapted self-defense capability" (Cohen, 1990, p. 203). According to Garson, the Taiwan Relations Act "was something of a slap in the face for the administration" (1994, p. 160). Senator Barry Goldwater (R-Az) and other Republican Senators brought an action in federal court to make the abrogation of the 1954 Mutual Defense Treaty declared illegal. The match was dismissed. Cohen says that "Deng and his
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